In the Somali town of Golweyn, Omar Hassan Warsame was a pivotal figure. His expansive farm, which produced maize and bananas, played a crucial role in supporting the local economy and providing employment.
At 65, Omar, along with a team of about a dozen workers, cultivated the land in the Lower Shebelle region, located approximately 110 km (68 miles) southwest of Mogadishu. His efforts helped mitigate the impact of the area’s frequent droughts on local residents.
However, on August 10, 2021, tragedy struck when Ugandan peacekeepers from the African Union (AU) arrived at his farm. Despite Omar’s reputation as a respected community leader, for reasons that remain unclear, the soldiers opened fire, killing him and four of his employees.
“They executed them without justification,” recounted Mohamed Abdi, Omar’s nephew, to Al Jazeera. “He was a compassionate man who cared for the community, and his death left a profound sorrow in our town.”
The Golweyn incident, which resulted in the deaths of seven civilians, sparked widespread outrage throughout Somalia. Protests erupted in both Mogadishu and surrounding towns, with demonstrators demanding the withdrawal of foreign troops. Following the incident, a Ugandan court martial sentenced two soldiers to death and imposed lengthy prison terms on three others, although the death sentences were later annulled.
The peacekeepers were part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), established in 2007 to combat the al-Qaeda-linked militant group al-Shabab, which aims to overthrow the Somali government. While al-Shabab often clashes with peacekeepers and government forces, civilians have frequently borne the brunt of the violence. Between 2008 and 2020, the group is believed to have killed around 4,000 civilians through various violent acts.
AMISOM, comprising troops from multiple nations, was tasked with countering al-Shabab’s influence, ensuring security in government-controlled areas, and cooperating with Somali security forces.
Supported by the United Nations, the United States, and other international partners, AU peacekeepers have been pivotal in addressing the threats posed by al-Shabab. Nevertheless, reports of abuses against civilians have emerged since the mission’s inception. Rebranded as the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) in 2022, the peacekeepers are slated to withdraw by the end of this year. Families affected by violence committed by peacekeepers argue that the AU should provide justice and financial reparations for their suffering.
“They are meant to be peacekeepers, yet they are killing civilians,” Mohamed stated. “How are they different from al-Shabab?”
Compensation for Victims
Since the fall of President Siad Barre in 1991, Somalia has experienced ongoing internal strife among rival factions, leading to a fragile central government. The rise of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), which sought to establish control through local Islamic law, prompted military intervention from Ethiopia in late 2006. The dissolution of the ICU and the presence of Ethiopian troops, viewed unfavorably by many Somalis due to previous war crimes, intensified resistance. Ultimately, hardline factions from the ICU evolved into al-Shabab.
International efforts to stabilize Somalia resulted in the establishment of the AU peacekeeping mission in 2007. Although Ethiopian forces withdrew most of their troops by early 2009, they continued to maintain a presence in Somalia, eventually integrating with the AMISOM forces by 2014.
Despite substantial investments from international partners aimed at strengthening Somalia’s security capabilities, the national army’s capacity to combat al-Shabab has improved gradually. The once-imminent threat of an al-Shabab takeover of Mogadishu has significantly diminished.
Yet, even with nearly two decades of AU peacekeeping efforts, significant portions of the country remain under al-Shabab’s control, and government forces struggle to expand their reach. The group’s ability to execute deadly assaults on civilian and military targets remains intact. A recent attack in August at Lido Beach in Mogadishu killed at least 32 people.
Ongoing funding shortfalls have prompted donor fatigue, including a reduction of $60 million last year from the European Union. Reports indicate that these financial challenges are a primary reason for ATMIS’s planned exit from Somalia by the end of this year.
While the EU allocated $200 million to compensate the families of the estimated 3,500 AU peacekeepers who have died in Somalia since 2007, there are no funds designated for victims of peacekeeper violence. ATMIS officials have sought to explain this discrepancy to the victims’ families.
In a message to Al Jazeera, Mohamed El-Amine Souef, the current political head of ATMIS, stated, “We are grappling with severe financial constraints, which have led to the decision to terminate the mission. The matter of compensation is being coordinated with Addis Ababa and Mogadishu through a technical team.”
However, when asked how this collaboration could work amid the strained relations between Ethiopia and Somalia, Souef did not provide a clear answer.
Last year, he noted that ATMIS required at least $2 million from donors to address compensation requests related to nearly 80 cases of violence against civilians involving peacekeepers. These cases encompass killings, as well as severe and minor injuries, yet the AU has not clarified the breakdown of these incidents.
Who Can Be Held Accountable?
On August 12, 2017, in Garbaharey, 450 km (280 miles) west of Mogadishu, Ethiopian AMISOM troops killed three unarmed pastoralists—Abdullahi Osman Ige, 77, Ahmed Hussein Elmi, 71, and Abdullahi Ali Hussein, 19—who were searching for water for their camels. Al Jazeera obtained medical records indicating that Abdullahi, the teenager, was shot while fleeing and left to bleed to death.
In the years following the incident, local clan leaders in Garbaharey have persistently sought “blood money” from AMISOM/ATMIS for the victims’ families.
Traditionally in Somali culture, blood money payments are used to settle disputes related to murder or land. Following the collapse of the central government in 1991, this practice resurfaced. In March 2022, four years after the Garbaharey killings, clan leaders received a letter from AMISOM’s then-political head, Francisco Madeira, acknowledging the request for blood money, without admitting liability for the deaths. The matter, he stated, was forwarded to AMISOM’s headquarters in Addis Ababa for resolution.
“Since then, we have received no further communication,” Duale Ali, a local clan leader, told Al Jazeera.
Last October, following Madeira’s departure, Duale visited Souef in Mogadishu to discuss the Garbaharey case.
“He is aware of the situation,” Duale noted. “However, when I inquired about compensation, he claimed it was Ethiopia’s responsibility, and suggested that ATMIS could offer development projects as alternative compensation. Such propositions are offensive given the loss of human life.”
As local Somali courts lack jurisdiction over peacekeepers, Duale finds himself with limited options.
Souef denied making the comments attributed to him, stating he suggested that they could propose “Quick Impact Projects” related to community needs, funded by allied countries or the UN, rather than compensation.
If Duale’s only recourse for compensation lies with Ethiopia, the chances of accountability are minimal, according to experts.
“Ethiopia has a concerning human rights record, and given its history of addressing domestic human rights abuses, expecting accountability or compensation from them is unrealistic,” noted Goitom Gebreleul, a political analyst specializing in the Horn of Africa. “Furthermore, the current diplomatic tensions between the two countries diminish any incentive for Ethiopia to compensate victims in Somalia.”
Ethiopian Communications Minister Legesse Tulu did not respond to Al Jazeera’s requests for comment. In terms of accountability under international law, Chidi Odinkalu, a human rights law professor, indicated that host countries often grant immunity to peacekeeping missions, making prosecution difficult.
“There is no universally accepted mechanism for peacekeeping operations, and immunity agreements make prosecution improbable,” he explained, citing a case involving Haitian UN peacekeepers and another involving Dutch peacekeepers in the Balkans.
In Somalia’s situation, immunity was established when AMISOM commenced operations in 2007.
‘No One Has Taken Responsibility’
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from international peacekeeping missions, citing their involvement in numerous documented atrocities. Ethiopia has denied these accusations.
The AU has publicly acknowledged the need for accountability and victim compensation to foster trust within the communities they serve.
In 2012, under UN encouragement, AMISOM agreed to create the Civilian Casualty Tracking, Analysis and Response Cell (CCTARC) to monitor victims of AMISOM violence and ensure accountability. However, CCTARC has not released data regarding civilian casualties caused by AMISOM forces. Reports indicated that it was underfunded and comprised of military personnel. Last year, ATMIS announced that CCTARC personnel completed human rights training, although images from the training suggested a military focus.
Without transparency and independent oversight, the effectiveness of CCTARC in tracking abuses remains unclear. Additionally, it is uncertain whether CCTARC records civilian casualties resulting from ATMIS airstrikes in al-Shabab territories.
The UN Assistance Mission in Somalia’s (UNSOM) mandate is set to expire this month. Previously, UNSOM tracked some abuses in Somalia and released a report in 2017 attributing 95 civilian deaths from January 2016 to October 2017 to AMISOM, which prompted criticism from Kenya.
AMISOM had previously stated it would investigate a 2021 airstrike that killed a mother and child in Gedo but later cleared the Kenyan air force of any wrongdoing.