Why are Somalis spread across the world, sida sanood meel walba ku dadatayn (like coins, scattered everywhere)? Why are we current or former refugees, asylum-seekers, and economic migrants in almost every country across the globe? Why do we consistently perform poorly on global statistical measures, from health to the economy? What caused the Isaaq genocide? What were the reasons behind the uprising in Mogadishu against a dictator, which led to a civil war? What is the common factor that appears everywhere but is treated as a cultural aspect, and thus assumed to be ‘positive’—a friend you can rely on?
At this point, I don’t need to spell it out. Every Somali knows the answer to this question, which brings us to the theme and central point of this long-awaited article. I will address the upcoming election in Somaliland, the issue of clan interference in the election process, and its ramifications. Lastly, I will discuss the lack of political will to establish lasting peace in Mogadishu.
Somaliland is currently experiencing election fever. If you walk the streets of its capital, Hargeisa, you’ll see huge billboards all over the city featuring representatives of political parties and presidential hopefuls. The whole city is vibrant, buzzing with political maneuvering, and late-night shaax sessions full of heated political discussions. It almost feels like the ideal breeding ground for the early stages of an African nation on the verge of crossing from a low-income to a middle-income country—if only it were allowed to enter the free markets of the world as an independent country, instead of facing restrictions due to its connection to Somalia, which lacks a legal basis.
Being connected to Somalia is like being tied to an ex-partner you left long ago, but who keeps following you everywhere. It’s also a relationship that is costing Somaliland billions.
The last thing we need is the involvement of clan or tribalism in our election system. Recently, clan elders from the Habarjeclo clan held a conference where they endorsed the opposition party Waddani. Similarly, other clan elders have done the same by urging their clans to vote for specific parties and presidential candidates. This development raises an important question: To what extent should clan elders interfere in democratic processes? As individual citizens, they have the right to exercise their political preferences, but encouraging entire clans to vote a specific way is unhealthy in the long term and very detrimental. Clan systems are regressive and do not serve any purpose in a world driven by ideologies, values, socioeconomic position, and faith. Somaliland is good enough for you and me as an identity, after which you can discuss your city, town, or village all day long. However, if being a Somalilander is not enough for you and me, then nationhood will pay the price.
No tribe should have more say or hold more value than another tribe.
Even when we analyze the condition of women in this patriarchal society, the underlying factor reinforcing disparities for Somali/Somalilander women is tribalism.
Those who grew up with the privileges that tribalism brings must lead the change and stop thinking they or their community are more landheer (elite) than others.
When will we realize that the concept of clans belongs in museums?
Do we really have the time to indulge in clan-based disputes, especially with the pressing issues of climate change and the fast-paced development of the world? Do we have the luxury to waste time fighting over clans, discriminating against one another, and voting along clan lines instead of analyzing political parties’ plans to tackle critical issues such as climate change, good governance, and economic development?
I respect a Waddani or a Kulmiye voter who votes according to their beliefs and perspective on key issues—but not based on clan affiliation. Look at the conflict in LasAnod. It was driven by clan and tribalism. LasAnod had elected representatives through the democratic processes of Somaliland, yet tribalism ignited, fueled, and exacerbated the conflict. Clan-based thinking cannot coexist with democracy in the long term. A city must accept the outcome of elections. Moreover, a city that seeks to govern itself along clan lines is not the path Somaliland should take. The leaders of LasAnod should return to the negotiating table, engage in dialogue, and find common ground with the government of Somaliland.
It must be made clear: Our clan elders should be given the respect and dignity they deserve. Calling them ‘traitors’ is completely unacceptable. I strongly urge people to exercise legal processes for defamation. Too many groups and accounts on Somaliland’s online platforms continue to spew hatred and divisions within our society. They joined Twitter after the LasAnod crisis, and their main goal seems to be to create societal hatred between clans, communities, businesses, and groups in Somaliland—a repeat of what we saw during the LasAnod conflict.
Although the Somaliland Government has no relations with Israel and has consistently refused to establish diplomatic ties, with President Muse Bihi repeatedly condemning the genocide happening in Gaza, this disruptive group has been pushing for an alliance with Israel’s genocidal regime on social media. How could we ever associate with a regime currently committing genocide against the Palestinian people? We have been telling the world about the genocide we faced under the former Somali dictatorship. Aligning with such a regime is self-defeating and damages our cause.
A Response to Markus Hoehne’s Post:
Mogadishu has come a long way, though its journey has been neither linear nor without setbacks. The Islamic Courts Union brought about a semblance of peace, law, and order in Mogadishu—something not seen since the civil war. This positive impact is well illustrated in an interview with the famous Somali singer Maryam Mursal, who describes her experience returning to Mogadishu and witnessing stability, law, and order, and feeling safe enough to reclaim, build, and buy land (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9pwDGRen1cE). The US-backed Ethiopian invasion that followed was a grave miscalculation, leading to the birth of Al-Shabab. By then, Mogadishu was completely overrun by extremists, with no law enforcement to challenge them. I recounted this story to President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud during his first term, emphasizing the need to focus on establishing peace and sustainable stability.
We can spend all day analyzing history, but it won’t change the current situation. When HSM came into power two years ago, the business market in Mogadishu and beyond began to boom. When he donned military attire and went to the frontlines to fight Al-Shabab, there was optimism in the Somali business world. But now, as he appears focused on infringing upon Somaliland’s independence, largely to appease hard-liners in his party and the federal political establishment, he has abandoned the fight for security and stability. Your tax money and mine—given to Somalia as foreign aid and humanitarian relief—should be used to establish stability, as I reminded him many years ago.
It’s common knowledge that taxpayer money should have a direct impact on the ground. It’s also common knowledge that the political agenda of right-wing European governments in Somalia is largely driven by the desire to curb migration from the Global South. The Federal Government of Somalia should focus on what it was elected to do and what it receives funding for: defeating Al-Shabab once and for all and restoring good governance, so that millions of Somalis living below the poverty line can begin to rebuild their lives and have a better future in their own country.ü
Resource: https://www.horndiplomat.com/2024/10/14/op-ed-somaliland-and-somalia-nothing-happens-in-a-vacuum-everything-happens-for-a-reason/#google_vignette
